| |
|
| |
Mahendragarh
was earlier known as 'Kanaud'
because of its association with
Kanaudia group of Brahmans1.
During the middle of the nineteenth
century, it came to be known
as Mahendragarh. How it was
known in earlier periods is
not known. Possibly it may have
formed a part of the Kurujangala2,
a territorial designation known
to traditional literature.
Although the nomenclature of
the district is not very old,
the antiquity of the area it
covered can be stretched to
earlier periods also. The Archaeological
explorations conducted in the
region have brought to light
late- Harappan sites specially
from its Rewari tahsil3. This
type of evidence along with
Painted Grey Ware, Northern
Black Polished Ware and Early
Historical Ware is gathered
from the adjoining districts
of Bhiwani and Gurgaon4. In
the absence of archaeological
excavations in the district
nothing more can be added to
what has been stated above.
So far not a single PGW site
has come to light in the district,
perhaps suggesting the north-eastward
migrations of the Aryans from
the banks of the Saraswati and
the Drisadvati possibly due
to the drying up of their courses.
Most of the sites explored in
the district belong to the late-medieval
period. The district, it may
further be pointed out, might
possibly have remained outside
the main stream of Aryan culture
and hence has not been specifically
mentioned in the traditional
literature as an independent
territorial unit. In the absence
of evidence it also becomes
extremely difficult to trace
the successive stages in the
historical growth of the region.
However, it has been suggested
that some of the present streams
of the district may be identified
with those mentioned in early
Vedic literature5. The southeastern
Rasa (a stream mentioned in
the Rigveda6 has been recognised
with the Sahibi which passes
through the region7, and the
Dohan |
| 1. |
Dharampal
Singh Punia, Archaeology
of Mahendragarh and
Gurgaon Districts (Haryana)
MSS Ph. D thesis, Kurukshetra
University, Kurukshetra,
1976, p.2. |
| 2. |
Kurujangala
included the Rohtak and
Hisar districts of Haryana
(V.S. Agarwal, India as
known to Panini, p. 54,
Lucknow, 1953. |
| 3. |
Suraj
Bban, Excavation at Mitathal
(1968) and Other Explorations
in the Sutluj Yamuna Divide,
Kurukshetra 1975, p. 126. |
| 4. |
Dharampal
Singh Punia, op. cit,
Chapter on Explorations. |
| 5. |
M.L.
Bhargava, The Geography
of Rigvedic India, Lucknow,
1964, pp. 45-51. |
| 6. |
Rigveda,
41.5. 7. Bhargava, op.cit.,
pp. 46-7. |
|
With
the Vadhusara mentioned in the
Mahabharata, which is said to
have originated from the tears
of Divya Pauloma, the wife of
the sage Bhrigu and the mother
of famous sage Chavana and to
flow past the ashrama of the
latter1. Quite interestingly,
the stream still flows through
the region near a place as Chavanasrama,
situated on Dhosi hills2. The
Mahabharata3 describes it as
a sacred stream with many holy
places on its course proving
thereby that it might have been
a fairly large and important
stream in those early days4.
Similarly the association of
the stream - Kasaunti or Krishnawati
has been suggested with Rigvedic
tribe Krishna5, who lived in
its valley6. These identifications
if accepted, would at least
show the antiquity of the district
through which the streams flowed,
as far back as the Vedic period.
Absence of material remains
of early cultures in Mahendragarh,
Narnaul and Rewari tahsils may
be explained as mainly due to
the geographical conditions
namely, semi desert, excessive
sand dunes, meagre water resources
and reduced fertility of the
soil7. But at the same time,
it is also true that because
of these very conditions the
region assumed strategic importance
during the medieval and late
medieval times.
The succeeding stages in the
historical growth of the district
cannot be traced in, the absence
of evidence, Possibly it was
included in the empire of the
Mauryas, the Guptas, the Pushpabutis
and the Gurjara- Pratiharas.
The suggestion is, of course,
based only on circumstantial
evidence for it is very well
known that these empires were
very extensive and included
several districts of Haryana
as is also attested to by the
archaeological as well as literary
evidence.8
The district has yielded very
meagre evidence for the period
from the Mauryas to the end
of the Rajput rule covering
about one thousand and five
hundred years, a very wide gap
indeed in the history of the
district. What we have at our
disposal are some copper coins
of the Yaudheyas, a few of the
Tomaras, three inscriptions
from Gurawada (Rewari tahsil)
besides some scattered sculptural
remains of gods and goddesses.9 |
| 1. |
M.L.
Bhargava, The Geography
of Rigvedic India. Lucknow
1964, PP. 48-9. |
| 2. |
Mahabbarata,
Adiparva, 6; M.L. Bhargawa,
cp. cit., p. 48. |
| 3. |
Mahabharata
Vanaparva, 125. |
| 4. |
M.L.
Bhargava,The Geography
of Rigvedic India, Lucknow,
1964,p. 49 |
| 5. |
Ibid.,
p.p 47-8, 50. |
| 6. |
Ibid.,
p. 50-51. |
| 7. |
D.S.
Punia, Archaeology of
Mahendragarh and Gurgaon
Districts (Haryana)
MSS Ph. D. thesis, Kurukshetra
University, Kurukshetra,
1976, pp, 24, 57. |
| 8. |
For
details see-D.S. Punia,
Archaeology of Mahendragarh
and Gurgaon –Districts
(Haryana) MSS Ph. D.
thesis, Kurukshetra
University, Kurukshetra,
1976, Silak Ram, Archaeology
of Rohtak and Hisar
Districts, 1972 MSS,
Ph. D. thesis, Kurukshetra
University; Amar Singh,
Archaeology of Karnal
and Jind Districts (Haryana),
Ph. D. thesis, 1981,
MSS, Kurukshetra University.
|
| 9. |
D.S.
Punia, Archaeology of
Mahendragarh and Gurgaon
Districts (Haryana)
MSS Ph. D. thesis, Kurukshetra
University, Kurukshetra,
1976, pp. 153-56, 167,
173, 213, 214, 222,
228, 230, 232-34. |
|
The
Yaudheya coins have been recovered
from Rewari and are now preserved
in the Gurukul Museum, Jhajjar.
These show a facing standing
Karttikeya, holding spear in
right hand with left hand on
the hip and a peacock at the
left. It contains the legend
Yaudheya Ganasya Jayah along
with 'dvi' or 'tri'. On their
reverse is the figure of a goddess
walking to the left with right
hand raised and left hand on
the hip be-sides a nandipada
and a beautiful dotted border
all round.1 These coins, which
are very few, do not help historical
reconstruction, but only suggest
that the tribe which was dominant
in the adjoining districts had
some influence over this region
also.
The three inscriptions are from
the village Gurawada, about
20 km north of Rewari. Two of
these were found engraved on
a rectangular column which possibly
formed a part of some temple
belonging to 9th-10th century.
The inscriptions speak of Viranchandra
of meritorious service, entertainer
of guests, most beloved of kinsmen,
earnestly devoted to his people,
of the sun like valour, afflicted
by a serious disease, after
remembering Lord Vishnu went
to the heaven on 12th day of
the dark fortnight of Asadha
in the year 953 when the water
was scant all around. The other
inscription too records the
same event. Both the inscriptions
give the same date without mentioning
the era. The script is northern
Brahmi and the language is Sanskrit.
The third inscription which
is also found on a stone pillar
mentions Vishnuhari who left
his earthly body while engrossed
in the thought of Lord Vishnu
on the first of the dark fortnight
of the month of Bhadrapada of
the Saka year 819.2 The inscriptions
do not provide any detail of
the family of the deceased.
From the description they appear
to be persons of local eminence
and devotees of Vishnu. The
discovery of these inscriptions
together with two Seraskayi
sculptures from the same place
clearly proves the prevalence
of vishnu worship in the district.3
The two pillars possibly belonged
to some nearby Vishnu temple
where the images might have
been originally installed.
Of the sculptural remains from
the district mention may be
made of Sasasayi Vishnu, Ganesa,
Mahisasuramardini Durga and
Parvati all from Gurawada (Rewari
tahsil) while the Adinatba and
Parsvanatba Tirthankara images,
although of a little later period,
are from Narnaul. The Brabmanical
images belong to a time bracket
from 10th to 12th century A.D.
while Jain sculptures to that
of 13th-14th century on stylistic
grounds. The four armed Lord
Vishnu is represented in a reclining
pose in the Kshirasagar, the
|
| 1. |
D-S.
Punia p. 167. The terms
'dvi, 'tri' on these
coins have been variously
interpreted by scholars
as denoting three tribes,
sections, confederating
units their administrative
divisions. (A Cunningbain,
Coins of Ancient India
from earliest times
down to the seventh
century AD, London,
1891. J. Allan, Catalogue
of the coins of Ancient
India, (in the British
Museum) London, 1936.
|
| 2. |
D.S.
Punia, 4rchaiology of
Mahendragarh and Gurgaon
Districts (Haryana)
MSS Ph. D. thesis, Kurukshetra
University, Kurukshetra,
p. 153-156. |
| 3. |
Ibid. |
|
Fragmentary
Ganesa sculpture is in black
stone, its pot belly, elephantine
face, ekadanta and long surparaka-karna
are well executed; the goddess
Durga is beautifully carved
in her Mahisasura Mardini form,
while the goddess Paravati wearing
a jatumukuta is shown in lalitsana
in very well ornamented style.
Of the two Tirthankara images,
Adinatha is in meditation pose
on a lion's seat, a dharmachakra
placed between the loins, at
the centre of his chest is shown
a Srivatsa symbol, the hair
are curly and all very well
arranged. The Parsvanatha image
has also similar style excepting
that it has a canopy of seven
snake hoods over the head.1
This shows that during the early
Sultanate Narnaul was an important
centre of Jainism, whether it
was so during early period is
not known.
The inscriptions and the few
fragmentary sculptural remains
indicate roughly a period of
about four centuries, i.e. from
9th to 12th century when some
cultural activity was initiated
in the region. It was the period
when the Pratiharas, the Tomaras
and the Chahamanas were powerful
in the adjoining regions. The
period also witnessed Muslim
invasions as can be explained
by the fragmentary condition
of architectural and sculptural
remains. The tradition has it
that at Khole (33 km west of
Rewari) there ruled a prince
named Dharampalawgo had built
a strong fort at that place.
He was defeated by Ibrahim who
established Muslim rule over
Khole Which, however, could
not last long for the latter
was defeated and slain by Anangapala,
the Tomara ruler of Delhi. Remains
of a fort complex are still
visible at the village Site.2
Anangapala Tomara is also associated
traditionally with the founding
of the town of Narnaul where
his cousin Raja Laun Karan ruled.
The Raja had his seat near the
Dhosi hills in the thick forest
named Jhinjhervena.3 The name
of the town has been derived
differently Nahar-Noul or the
'Forest of tigers' or Nar Naul
or 'beautiful women' perhaps
it contained beautiful women,
and Nag Naul, after a snake
and mongoose who were seen fighting
when the city was founded.4
The town later on fell in the
hands of Rathor Rajputs. It
is related that subsequently
Hazrat Turkaman who came to
India with jewels in one hand
and sword in the other fought
many a bloody battle with the
Rathor RajputS here.6 part of
the district (Rewari tahsil)
was included in the Bhandanaka
kingdom (which comprised old
Gurgaon district, part of Alwar
and Bhiwani tahsil).1 These
people are mentioned in literature
for the resistance which they
offered to the Chahamana supreinacy.2
Dr. Buddha Prakashs has tried
to locate their seat at the
village Bharawas (7 km south
of Rewari) which, however, remains
still a conjecture for the site
has so far yielded only late-medieval
remains in the form of glazed
ware and lakhauri bricks as
also tombs and sarais all pointing
to a much later date than the
period when the Bhadankas lived. |
| 1. |
D.S.
Punia, Archaelogy of Mahendragarh
and Gurgaon Districts
(Haryana) MSS Ph. D. thesis,
Kurukshetra Ui3iversity,
Kurukshetra, pp. 213-34.
|
| 2. |
lbid.,p.
107. |
| 3. |
Ibid.,
pp. 55,119. |
| 4. |
H.B.W.
Garrick, Report of A Tour.
in the Punjab and Rajputana
1983-84 (Archeological
Survey of India) Vol.
XXIII, p. 27; D.S. Punia,
op. cit., pp. 54-5, 119;
a Sanskrit inscription
of 18th-19th century from
Narnaul gives its ancient
name as Nandigrama (punia,
op. cit., p. 121). |
| 5. |
H.B.W.
Gariick, Report of A Tour
in the Paniab and Rajputana
in 1883-84 (Archeological
Survey of India) Vol.
XXIII; D.S. Punia, Archeology
of Mahendragarh and Gurgaon
Districts -(Haryana) MSS
Ph. D. thesis, -Kurukshetra
University, Kurukshetra,
p. 120. |
|
|
|
| |
After
the death of Shihab-ud-din Ghuri,
one of his generals, Qutb-ud-din
Aibak, laid the foundations
of the Turkish rule in India
in 1206. The territory now comprising
the Mahendragarh district though
formed a part of his newly founded
kingdom, yet he appears to have
exercised no effective control
over it. Except for creating
an administrative agency to
collect land revenue effectively,
he did not interfere in the
internal affairs of the villages.
Aibak's successor litutmish
is, however, reported to have
made some far reaching changes
which had great impact on the
administration. He divided the
kingdom into several Iqtas :
the present district was parcelled
into lqtas, namely, Narnaul
and Rewari.4 An officer called
Mukti controlled the total affairs
of each lqta under the direct
supervision and control of the
Sultan.
This arrangement continued upto
1290, when after the deposition
of the last of the Mamiuk rulers,
Shamsuddin, the district came
under the control of the Khaljiis.
The new masters exercised greater
and far more strict control
over the district than their
predecessors. Their economic
hold was coercive. As a result,
the suffering people grew restive.
But the strong hand of the rulers
made them ineffective. The situation
changed, however, after Ala-ud-Din
Khalji's death (1316). The people
raised their heads against the
oppressive rule. There was some
relief for sometime but they
were again brought under the
same type of rule by the Tugluqs
who replaced the Khalijis. The
same old story of oppression
and exploitation was repeated
during the reigns of the first
two Tughluqs-Ghias and Muhammad,
but Firuz (1351-88) who came
after them gave some solace
to the suffering masses by reducing
taxes and giving other reliefs.
|
| 1. |
Dashratha
Sharma, Early Chauhan
Dynasties, Delhi, 1959,
p. 92. |
| 2. |
Ibid.,
pp. 59,74 (for Jinapati
Suri's account), Bijolia
Inscription, El, XXVI,
v. 19, page 104; Kharataragachchka-,pattavaii
of Jinapala, ed. Jinavijayamuni,
Singhi Jaina Granthamala,
No. 42, Bombay, 1956,
p. 258. |
| 3. |
Buddha
Prakash (Ed.), Glimpses
of Haryana, Kurukshetra,
1967, pp. 29-32. 4. K.C.
Yadav, Haryana Ka lilhas,
(Hindi), 1981, Vol. 11,
p. 33. |
|
After
Firuz's death, the district
felt the full force of those
intensive discords which rent
the Delhi Kingdom. As a result,
Mahendragarh along with other
adjacent territories went out
of the control of the Tugluqs.
The people over here accepted
no body's command and lived
in freedom for a long time.1
The Sayaids after Tugluqs, tried
to bring the district under
their control, but they also
seem to have achieved little
success. However, in 1450, Bahlol
Lodi, the then Governor of Punjab
capitalized on the prevailing
situation and brought them under
the Lodi sway which lasted (under
him and his successors) f or
a little over 76 years (1450-1526).
It was during the rule of the
Lodis (Bahlol) that Jagir was
given to Ibrahim Khan Sur, the
grand father of great Sher Shah
near Narnaul with headquarters
at a small village Hired Simla2
(Simli). In 1526, Babur, the
Mughal invader from Central
Asia, - wrested the district
alongwith other territories
from Ibrahim Lodi.
Soon after establishing his
rule in northern India, Babur
brought the district under his
effective control. He placed
a sizeable part of the district
under the sarkar of Mewat. The
rest of the territory was given
to one of his faithful officers,
Ahsan Taimur, in Jagir.3
Humayun, who succeeded Babur
in 1530, seems to have made
no change in the existing arrangement.
Humayun's rule proved short-lived
; he was thrown out by Sher
Shah Suri in 1540. Sher Shah
had immense liking and love
for the land of his birth.4
He built a very magnificent
mausoleum at Narnaul on the
grave of his grand father, Ibrahim.
Sher Shah was an administrative
genius. He divided his whole
kingdom into sixty six sarkars.
Mahendragarh came under the
sarkars of Narnaul and Rewari.
Their administration was carried
out by two officials, namely,
shiqdar-i-shiqdarn and munsif-i-munsijan.
The two sarkars were further
divided into parganas. Unfortunately
there is no direct evidence
to give the exact number of
parganas into which the district
was then divided, but it is
surmised, that their number
was about six, namely ; Rewari
Bawal, Pataudi under Rewari;
and Narnaul, Kanaud (modern
Mahendragarh) and Kanti under
Narnaul. The parganas were controlled
by shiqdars, munsifs, and junior
officials like Qanungos, Khajanchis.
The smallest unit of administration
was village which was administered
by the muqadams and panchayats
with thc help of the patwaris
and chaukidars.5 |
| 1. |
In
the contemporary literature
no reference is trade to
this region for a pretty
long time which suggests
that the region bad gone
out of the bands of the
Sultans. |
| 2. |
K.R.
Qanungo, Sher Shah and His
Times, Bombay, 1965, p.
26. |
| 3. |
See
K.C. Yadav, Haryan Ka Itihas
(Hindi) 1981, Vol. 11, p.
67. |
| 4. |
Sher
Shah was born at Namaul
in 1486. See K.C. Yadav
'Sher Shah Suri Ka Jamnasthan',
Journal of Haryana Studies,
Vol. IX (1977), pp. 50-52. |
| 5. |
For
more details see K.C. Yadav,
op. cit, p. 69. |
|
Sher
Shah ruled for only five years
(1540-45). There was peace,
prosperity and tranquillity
everywhere during his rule.
He was succeeded by pigmies
who brought chaos and confusion.
The Mughal emperor, Humayun,
took advantage of the situation
and wrested his lost kingdom.
Ln consequence, the district
again came under the Mughal
sway (1555). But the very next
year Humayun was no more on
the scene; and once again there
was confusion all around.
At this juncture, a remarkable
local noble appeared on the
scene. He was Hemchandra (popularly
called Hemu), a resident of
Rewari. He had a very humble
origin, but by dint of his ability
and sheer strength of character,
he rose up to lofty heights.
Islam Shah, the Sur King of
Delhi (I 553) developed a special
liking for him and gave him
high rank in his court. His
successor, Adil Shah, went still
further he entrusted him with
all his powers and functions.
Hemu did not betray the, trust
reposed in him by the Sur potentate
; he defended the falling fortunes
of the Sur empire, by fighting
as many as twenty-two battles
against the enemies of the Surs
and defeated them.
When Akbar came to occupy his
paternal throne, Hemu gave him
tough opposition. Agra and Delhi,
the two strong Mughal fortresses
collapsed like a house of cards
at the very first knock of Hemu.
He was equally strong at Panipat
where Akbar himself stood in
opposition on 5 November, 1556.
Riding "proudly on an elephant
named 'Hawai', he (Hemu) showed
every stratagem which his powerful
capacity could conceive...."
Abul Fazl admits. "He made
powerful onslaughts and performed
many valourous acts and dislodged
many strenuous soldiers of the
sublime army.1 Hemu's men, too,
fought well. They were in a
better position to begin with,
but fate had something else
for them in store. "Suddenly
in the midst of the contest",
says Abul Fazi, "' an arrow
reached Hemu's eye and piercing
the socket came out at the back
of his road.2' He collapsed
in the howdah and Akbar won
the battle of Panipat. |
| 1. |
Abul
Fazl, Akbar-nama, (Eng.
Tr. Boveridge). 1912, 'VD1.
11, p. 64. |
| 2. |
Ibid.,
p. 65. |
| 3. |
Abul
Fazl, Ain-i-Akbarl (Eng.
Tr. H.S. Jarret), 1949,
Vol. 11, pp. 291-310. |
|
The
administrative machinery that
controlled the villages, mahals
and sarkars was almost of the
same type as was found in this
region in the time of Sher Shah.
This administrative set up remained
intact during the reigns of
'Akbar's successors--Jahangir
(1605-1627), Shahjahan (1627-1658),
and Aurangzeb (1658-1707). There
was peace and tranquillity all
around except of course in the
reign of the last named king.
His economic exploitation and
religious harassment led the
Satnamis of Narnaul to challenge
his authority.
The Satnamis were a peaceful
sect believing in the unity
of God, mostly employed in agriculture.
They were honest, industrious
and formed a brotherhood calling
themselves Satnamis, Satnam
means good name.
In 1672, a petty quarrel near
Narnaul between a Satnami cultivator
and a Mughal foot-soldier of
the local revenue collector
led to the rebellion. The high-handedness
of the soldier was too much
for them to bear and the, Wrangling
soon developed into a religious
war against the Mughals. The
Satnamis defeated the imperialists
on several occasions and took
possession of the town and district
of Narnaul. When these alarming
news reached the emperor, he
sent there a large force under
Radanaz Khan, equipped with
artillery. The Satnamis fought
with courage and determination
but could not succeed against
the well-organised and well-equipped
Mughal force. Two thousand men
of this sect fell fighting on
the field and many of them were
killed during the pursuit. The
rebellion was thus crushed and
the affected areas brought under
control.1
After Aurangzeb's death (1707),
the position changed drastically.
The mountebanks and imbeciles
who sat on the Mughal throne
after the last of the great
Mughals, failed to check the
forces of chaos and confusion
that were let loose at that
time. In consequence, the people
became disorderly all around
and refused to pay revenue.
Their villages which were nothing
short of fortresses surrounded
by mud walls could only be reduced
by artillery and huge force
which the local authority could
not always muster.
This situation further worsened
when Nadir Shah launched a fierce
attack on India in 1739. Nadir
was checked at Karnal, where
a fierce battle was fought.
Balkrishan, the Rao of Rewari,
who fought heroically at the
head of an army of 5,000 strong,
was killed in this battle. Nadir,
the victor, praised the late
Rao's heroic deedS.2 |
| 1. |
R.C.
Majumdar (Fd.), The History
and Culture of the Indidn
People, The Mughal Empire,
1974,pp. 236-37. |
| 2. |
Man
Singh, AbhirkuWipika, (Urdu),
1900, Delhi, p.. I 10. |
|
After
Nadir's retreat from India,
chaos and confusion which spread
to every nook and comer of the
Mughal empire held the district
in its dark fold. Many ambitious
powers came in the field to
make capital of the prevailing
situation. They occupied the
territory showing the least
regard for the imperial Authority
and the entire territory became
dotted with small principalities
of these, the Raos’ of
Rewari were the most powerful
and dominating.
The state of Rewari was carved
out of a jungle-jagir by Ruda
Singh, a Yadav noble from Tijara,
who obtained it in 1555 from
the Mughal Emperor Humayun for
rendering meritorious services
during the lattees encounter
with the Surs.1 Ruda Singh had
his headquarters located at
Bolni, a small village, 12 km
south-east of Rewari. He cleared
the jungle and founded new villages.2
Ruda Singh was succeeded by
his son, Ram Singh, popularly
known as Ramoji. His estate
was infested with dacoits and
freebooters who had created
chaos and confusion everywhere.
Ram Singh built a fort at Boini
and employed a small force of
cavalry and infantry. He was
a fearless warrior and after
a long and hard struggle succeeded
in extirpating the criminals.
Two of these notorious dacoits,
who had carried on the depredations
to the very gate of the imperial
capital were sent to Emperor
Akbar. Pleased with the daring
action, the emperor appointed
Ram Singh as faujdar of the
sarkar of Rewari in the subah
of Delhi.3 Ram Singh is said
to have witnessed the reigns
of Akbar and Jahangir, while
his son and successor, Shahbaz
Singh, was a contemporary of
Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb. The
latter Rao was a great warrior
who died fighting against a
daring robber of notoriety,
Hathi Singh, a Badgujar Rajput
of Dhana, now known as Badshahpur.4
Shahbaz Singh was succeeded
by his eldest son, Nand Ram.
He retained the confidence of
Emperor Aurangzeb who confirmed
him in his jagir and granted
him the title of Chaudhari.5
He founded the villages of Nandrampur
and Dharuhera near Rewari, laid
out gardens and tanks, and built
a palatial residence for himself
in the heart of the town of
Rewari to which place he shifted
his headquarters from Bolni.
A tank at Rewari called Nand-
sagar still bears his memory1. |
| 1. |
Man
Singh, Abhirkuladipika Urdu
(1900) Delhi, p.105, Krishnanand
Khedkar, the Divine Heritage
of the Yadavas, pp. 192-93;
Krishnanand, Ahir Itihas,
p.270. K.C. Yadav, 'History
of the Rewari State 1555-1857;
Journal of the Rajasthan
Historical Research Society,
Vol. 1(1965), p. 21. |
| 2. |
Man
Singh, op. cit., 1900. pp.
105-6. |
| 3. |
Man
Singh, Abhirkuladipika,
(Urdu), 1900, Delhi p.
106, Krisbnanand Khedkar,
The Divine Heritage of
the Yadavas, p. 193. The
sarkar of Rewari as described
by Abul Fazi (Ain-i-Akbari,
Vol.II, p. 298)comprised
l2 Mahals of Bawal, Pataudi
Bhora, Tauru, Rewari,
Ratai, Kotkasim, Ghelot
and Nimrana. Its forces
consisted of 2,175 cavalry
and 14,600 infantry. |
| 4. |
Man
Singh, Abhirkuladipika,
(Urdu), 1900, Delhi, p.
106. |
| 5. |
Gurgaon
District Gazetteer, 1910
(on p. 20) says : "In
the time of Aurangzeb,
Nand Ram rose into royal
favour and was made governor
of the pargana of Rewari".
|
|
The
robber Hathi Singh was taken
into service by the famous chief
of Bharatpur, and Hathi Singh's
rising power was intolerable
to Nand Ram and his brother
Man Singh. The latter, in collaboration
with his brother, secretly put
the notorious dacoit to death
at Agra, and thus avenged the
death of his father2. Nand Ram
died in 1713. He was succeeded
by his eldest son Balkishan.
Balkishan was in the military
service of Aurangzeb and as
stated above, he fell in the
battle of Karnal on 24th February,
1739 while fighting against
Nadir Shah. Muhammad Shah was
so much impressed with the Rao's
bravery and heroism that on
Nadir's departure he granted
to Balkishan's brother Gujar
Mal the title of Rao Bahadur
and Commander of five thousand.
His territories were largely
increased by the addition of
52 villages in the district
of Hisar, and the same number
in the district of Narnaul.
His jagir then included the
important towns of Rewari, Jhajjar,
Dadri, Hansi, Hisar, Kanaud
and NarnaUI3. In 1743, he received
a few more villages worth Rs.
2,00,578.
Rao Gujar Mal's two bitterest
enemies were the Baluch chief
of Farmkhnagar and Bahadur Singh
of Ghasera, a descendant of
Hathi Singh who was now acting
independently of Suraj Mal,
the Jat Raja of Baharatpur.
Gujar Mal counteracted their
malicious designs by attaching
himself with Raja Suraj Mal.
Gujar Mal was also on friendly
terms with Bahadur Singh's father-in-law
Todar Mal of village Nimrana.
The latter invited Gujar Mal
to his residence and there killed
him under pressure of Babadur
Singh in 1750.4 In him (Gujar
Mal) power of his family reached
its culminating point. He erected
forts at Guravvada and Gokulgarh,
near Rewari.5 At Gokulgarh what
were popularly known as "gokul
Sikka" rupees were minted.6
He founded the villages of Brahanpur
and Morna in Meerut pargana,
Ramgarh, Jitpur and Srinagar
in Rewari pargana, built large
houses at Rewari, Gokulgarh
and Digal (Jhajar pargana) ;
and built his father's tomb
at Rewari and a tank near it.7
|
| 1. |
Man
Singh, Abhirkuladipika,
(Urdu) 1900, Delhi p. 107.
|
| 2. |
Ibid.,
p. 108. |
| 3. |
Man
Singh, Abhirkuladipika,
(Urdu), 1900, Delhi p. 110;
Krishnanand Khedkar, The
Divine Heritage of the Yadvas,
p. 193. |
| 4. |
Man
Singh, Abhirkuladipika,
(Urdu) 1900, Delhi p. 110.
S. Gurgaon District Gazetteer,
1910, p. 21. |
| 5. |
"These
coins (of Gujar Mal)",
says Khedkar (The Divine
Heritage of the Yadavas
p. 193)" are still
extant in thew districts. |
| 6. |
Man
Singh, Abhirkuladipika (Urdu),
1900, Delhi, pp. 113-14. |
|
Guiar
Mal was succeeded by his son
Bhawani Singh. He was lazy and
careless. In consequence, his
estates began to dwindle rapidly.
Baluch Nawab of Farrukhnagar,
the Nawab of Jhajar and the
Raja of Jaipur encroached upon
his territory, and he was left
in possession of 23 villages
only.
Bhawani Singh was killed in
1758 by his own manager, Tulsi
Ram, who in turn was done away
with shortly afterwards. Tulsi
Ram`s son Mittar Sain succeeded
to the post of the manager under
the next chief Ram Singh. Mittar
Sain helped the Mughals against
Jaipur in 1780. Najaf Quli,
Begum Samru and Mittar Sain
attacked and plundered Narnaul
on 5 February. On 14th February,
400 men of the garrison made
a sortie and attacked the trenches
of Mittar Sain Ahir inflicting
a hundred casualities.1 To retaliate,
the Jaipur rulers attacked Rewari
in the early months of 1781
; and in the conflict both sides
suffered heavy losses. In 1785,
a Maratha expedition to Rewari
was repelled. Shortly afterwards
Mittar Sain passed away. The
Marathas invaded again, killed
most of the members of the Mittar
Sain's family and sacked the
town. Rao Ram Singh died fighting.2
The next chief, Hira Singh,
was a worthless fellow, and
the real control of affairs
into the hands of a local trader
Zauki Ram3. The famous Maratha
general, Mahadji Sindhia stayed
at Rewari in 1787, apparently
to regulate the affairs and
collect money from here. On
Mahadji's departure a rebel
courtier of Delhi Najaf Qui
Khan occupied- the fort of Gbkulgarh,
three kilornetres north of Rewari4.
Emperor Shah Alam II marched
from 'Delhi to punish' the refractory
chief. The Emperor encamped
at Bharawas, eight kilometres
south of Rewari. Begum Samru
was with the Emperor. On 12
March, 1788, Najaf Quli inflicted
heavy losses on the Mugals in
a night attack. But Begum Samru
artillery proved effective and
compelled Njaf Quli to sue for
peace.5
Zauki Ram's supremacy was intolerable
to many. At this juncture, Tej
Singh, a relative of the Raos
of Rewari6 and the ruler of
tauru came to the front. He
was supporter of the Marathas
who granted him the parganas
of Tauru, Sohna, Nuh, Hodal,
Palwal, Tapukara, Kot Kasimi
Pataudi and Bawal all the value
of Rs. 25 lakh annually.7 He
fixed his headquarters at Tauru.
Being appealed to by the mother
of Ram Singh, he attacked Rewari,
slew Zauki Ram and established
his own power. |
| 1. |
Jadunath Sarkar, Fall of
the Mughal Empire, Vol.
IU,. 1964, p. 140. |
| 2. |
Man
Singh, Abhirkuladipika (Urdu),
1900, Delhi p. 123. |
| 3. |
Gurgaon,
District Gazetteer, 1910,
P. 21. |
| 4. |
Jadunath
Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal
Empire, v6l. III, 1964,
pp. |
| 5. |
ibid.,
pp. 292-93. |
| 6. |
He
was descended from a branch
of the same stock as that
of Gujar Mal which had setttled
at Mirpur in the Rewari
pargana. Gurgaon District
Gazetteer, 1910, P. 21.
|
| 7. |
Man
Singh, Abhirkuladipika (Urdu),
1900, Delhi p. 123; Krishnanand
Khedkar, The Divine Heritage
Of the Yadavas, p. 193. |
|
To
control the state of Rewari
properly Tej Singh appointed
his four brothers in four frontier
villages of Lisan, Dharuhera,
Asiaki and Nangal Pathani.1
Tej Singh built a fine house
in the mud fort of Rampura,
2 kilometres west of Rewari
and a tank in Rewari at the
site of Idgah, a villa in his
paternal village of Mirpur,
a camp house in Mohalla Shah
Tara in Ajmeri Gate, Delhi,
two camp houses at Mathura and
Benaras, and established three
new streets at Rewari called
Banjiwara, Tejpura and Bazar
Kalan.2
Lord Lake defeated Daulat Rao
Sindhia in September, 1803 and
captured Delhi and a large part
of the territory lying between
the river Yamuna Valid the Ghaggar.
Thus, Rewari and the whole estate
of Tej Singh was forcibly taken
possession of by the British
East India Company. Tej Singh
was allowed to retain 58 villages
only in perpetuity.3 The paragana
of Bhora was given to Tej Singh's
brother Ram Bakbash, who lived
at Dharuhera. in 1808-09, all
these villages were settled
by Fraser, the Magistrate of
Delhi4.
Tej Singh died in 1823, when
his property was divided among
his three sons, Puran Singh,
Nathu Ram and Jawahar Singh.5
The youngest brother Jawahar
Singh died childless and his
estate was equally divided between
remaining brothers, Puran Singh
and Nathu Ram. On their death
their estates were inherited
by their respective sons Tula
Ram and Gopal Dev.6 Tula Ram
and Gopal Dev staked everything
and played a significant role
in throwing off the British,
yoke in 1857. This as noted
below, cost them their estates. |
|
|
|
In 1750's
like this Raos of Rewari, Raja
Madho Singh of Jaipur seized
a sizeable territory in the
district around Narnaul and
Kanaud.7 He placed the territory
under the care of Balwant Singh.
In the mid-decade the district
passed under the sway of the
Marathas. The Raos of Rewari,
as noted above, opposed them
fora while but ultimately accepted
the Maratha over lordship. The
Rajput chief accepted this position
without any opposition. Maratha
over lordship, of the district
proved short-lived, however,
as situation elsewhere compelled
them to leave this territory
in 1755.8 |
| 1. |
Gurgaon
District Gazetteer, 1910,
p. 21. |
| 2. |
Man
Singh, Abhirkuladipika (Urdu),
1900, Delhi p. 123; Krishranaud
khedkar, The Divine Heritage
of the Yadavas, p. 75. |
| 3. |
Gurgaon
District Gazetteer, 1910,
p. 21. |
| 4. |
For
a detailed account of this
settlement see Punjab Government
Records, Vol.l, Delhi Agency
and Residency Records, 1805-1857. |
| 5. |
Gurgaon District Gazetteer,
1910, p.,25 File R]194,
267-69, (State Archives,
Patiala), |
| 6. |
File R/194,267-69 (Punjab
State Archives, Patiala).
|
| 7. |
K.C.
Yadav, Haryana Ka Itihas,
(Hindi), 198,1, VoL p, 98.
B. Ibid., p. 99. |
|
|
There was
no development worth mentioning.
for the next fifteen years.
But in 1771 there came Mirza,
Najaf Khan, who saved the failing
fortunes of the Mughal empire
as its Prime Minister by re
establishing his authority over
the lost territories around
the imperial capital. First
be brought the Raos of Rewari
under his control. Then he seized
the Narnaul-Kanaud tract from
the Rajputs and placed it in
the charge of his trusted noble
Najaf Quli.1 This man proved
to be a successful administrator
and controlled the affairs of
this region for well over two
decades though his position
bad considerably weakened after
his master's death in 1782.
In 1792, the Maratha chief Mahadji
Sindhia succeeded in Snatching
the district from his rebel
General Ismail Beg2 and placed
it under his direct control.3
This arrangement continued until
1803 when Mahadji's successor
Daulat Rao Siudhia handed over
the district alongwith other
districts to the 'British East
India Company by the treaty
of Sarji Arjungaon.4 The new
masters (the British) did not
take the district under their
control they gave it to the
local chiefs instead. Most of
the Rewari--Bawal territory
was given, as noted above to
Tej Singh, a scion of the Raos
of Rewari as an istamarari grant
and the Narnaul-Kanaud tract
was made a part of the Jhajjar
State.6
The Jhajjar State, as noted
above, was created by the British
and was given to Nawab Nizabat
Ali Khan, a Baharaich Pathan
in 1806 for his meritorious
services during the Anglo-Maratha
War of 1803. Abdur Rehman who
succeeded in 1845 was Nawab
of Jhajjar in 1857 when there
was an uprising. Although he
did not play any positive role,
yet his subjects rose en masse.
The British, however, doubted
his integrity and hanged him.
His state was confiscated and
the Narnaul-Kanaud tract was
given to Maharaja of Patiala.
The British' rule of about half
a century from 1803 to 1857,
produced a great deal of discontent
and disaffection among almost
every section of the people
throughout Haryana. The Mahendragarh
district was no exception to
this; right from the chiefs
to the lowest man over here
was unhappy with the rule of
British East India Company.
In other words, the -round for
a general uprising against the
British lay prepared in the
district. It only required a
spark for the bursting forth
of a conflagration. This Was
provided by -the sepoys on 10th
'May, 1857 at Ambala and Meerut. |
| 1. |
'This
work was done by Najaf Quli
Khan, a trusted general
of Mirza Najaf Khan in 1773.
See Ibid., pp. 122-23. |
| 2. |
K.C.
Yadav, Haryana Ka Itihas
(Hindi), 1981, Vol. 11,
pp. 129-30. |
| 3. |
Mahadji
placed the Gurgaon-Rewari-Narnaul-Kanaud
tract in the Mewat district.
Three other districts were
14isar, Panipat and Delhi.
See Ibid., pp. 130-31. |
| 4. |
Aitchison
C.V., Collection of Treaties,
Engagements and Sanads,
1870, Vol. IV, pp. 42-46. |
| 5. |
Gurgaon
District Gazetteer, 1910,
p. 21. |
| 6. |
See
Aitchison, op. cit., Vol.
VEI, pp. 126-27. |
|
On
hearing the news of the happenings
at these two places and Delhi,
the people of the district rose
up in revolt. In the Rewari
area, lead was given by Rao
Tula Ram. His cousin Gopal Dev
also stood by him. As seen above,
the forefathers of the Raos
had helped the Marathas in 1803
in their light against the British
and as a result when the latter
came out successful in the struggle,
they confiscated their jagir
and gave instead an istamarari
grant of about 58 villages.
This was a great blow to the
Raos which shattered their position
and made them unhappy with British
Raj.
On l7 May, 1857,the Rao went
to the tahsil headquarters at
Rewari with four to five hundred
followers and deposed the tahsildar
and thanedar. They appropriated
the cash from the tahsil treasury,
took all the government buildings
in their possession and proclaimed,
under the sanction of Emperor
BahadurShah, their rule over
the pargana of Rewari, Bhora
and Shahjahanpur. For their
headquarters, they chose Rampura,
a small fortified village, one
mile south-west of Rewari. Tula
Ram, the elder Rao became Raja
and Gopal Dev his commander-in-chief.1
After assuming charge, Tula
Ram organised the revenue department
and collected revenue and taxes.
He took donations and loans
from the mahajans of Rewari.
He raised a force (about five
thousand men) and set up a large
workshop in the fort of Rampura
where a substantial number of
'guns, gun-carriages, and other
small Arms and ammunition were
manufactured. The Rao enforced
law and order and defended his
State from outside attacks.2
These activities pleased Bahadur
Shah and he confirmed Rao Tula
Ram in his jagirs of Rewari,
Bhora and Shahjahanpur. Tula
Ram in return rendered all possible
help to Emperor Bahadur Shah
and those revolters waging war
against the British in DelHi.
He sent Rs.45,000 through General
Bakht Khanat such acritical
time when non-payment of the
salaries to the sepoys had caused
great insecurity and anxiety,
though this small sum did not
improve the situation. The Rao
also supplied the Delhi forces
with large quantities of necessary
commodities.3
But this help could not protect
Delhi which fall to the British
on September 2O, 1857. Soon
after Brigadier-General Showers
ied out a column (from Delhi)
of 1,500 men with a light field
battery, 18 two-pounder guns
and two small mortars, "to
attack and destroy Rao Tula
Ram and his follower and to
raze his fort (at Rewari)."
The column had light skirmish
with some Rewari-sowars on October
5 at Pataudi, 37 miles from
Delhi. In the words of Hodson,
who accompanied the column :
"They fired at Our advance
and bolted at speed." The
column's next attack was direct,
on Rewari which was still held
by Rao Tula Ram. The situation
was serious and the Rao foresaw
that a fight with the British
forces in the mud fort of Rampura,
in the changed circumstances
after the fall of Delhi, would
result in the complete destruction
of his army without any serious
loss to the British. So he left
his fort before Showers' arrival. |
| 1. |
See
K.C. Yadav, The Revolt of
1857 in Haryana, 1977, p.
59. |
| 2. |
Ibid.
p. 59. |
| 3. |
Ibid.,
p. 59-60. |
|
|
The British
column reached Rewari on October
6. The fort of Rewari (Rampura)
was taken without any opposition.
Immediately after the Occupation
of the fort of Rewari, Brigadier-General
Showers sent a messenger to
Tula Ram telling him that if
he submitted alongwith guns
and arms, he would be treated
on merits. But Tula Ram turned
down the inducement.1
Showers stayed at Rewari for
a week and settled the villages
around it. On October 12, he
left for Jatusana where some
horsemen of the gawab of Jhajar
had collected. These sowars
had no nerve to oppose the column
and they surrendered without
resistance. Next, going via
Kosli, Ladain, Matanhail, the
column reached Chuchhakwas (about
10 miles from Jhajjar), the
hunting resort of the Nawab
of Jhajjar, on October 16.2
The British forces moved speedily
towards Kanaud. They halted
for a while at Nahar, 30 miles
from Jhajjar, where they were
joined by other forces. Here
a party of revolters from Jhajjar
and Delhi attacked them but
they were soon defeated. The
revolters lost 40 of their men,
50 cavalry horses and a few
nine-pounder guns.3
A word about happenings in the
Narnaul-Kanaud tract was spread.
As noted above, the Nawab Abdur.
Rehman Khan of Jhaj'j'ar beneath
whose control this tract was,
did not play any positive role._
But his father-in-law (and General)
Samad Khan did a great job.
He gave inspiring lead to the
,people who rose upon Iagainst
the British. The people Iof
the Narnaul ,Kanaud tract in
no way lagged behind their fellow
compatriots.
At Chhuchhakwas, Showers contacted
Nawab of Jhabar and asked him
to surrender. He was arrested
later, tried and hanged.
Showers next asked his forces
to proceed to Kanaud. The arrest
of .the Nawab had demoralizing
effect on the garrison stationed
there. It was for this reason
that the British forces captured
one of the strongest best planned
and best kept forts in India
without firing a shot. Fourteen
heavy guns, one 8-inch mortar,
two 6-pounder guns and a large
quantity of small arms and ammunition
fell in their hands. Besides
that the Nawab's treasure amounting
to five lakh of rupees was also
seized. Leaving Capt. Tozer
in command of the garrison (comprising
a wing of the 23rd Punjab Infantry
and men of Tohana Horse) Showers
left for Delhi via Rewari, Farrukhnagar,
Ballabhgarh, Taoru and Sohna
on October 22.1 |
| 1. |
K.C.
Yaday, The revolt of 1857
in Maryann, 1977, p. 11
3. |
| 2. |
Ibid,
p. 114. |
| 3. |
Ibid.
p. 114 |
|
|
But despite
all these apparently impressive
gains, the Brigadier-General's
campaign could hardly be called
successful : he had failed to
realize his main aim that of
capturing Tula Ram or Goneral
Abdus Samad Khan of Jhajjar,
who had acted as nucleus of
revolt in the district. Conversely,
the attack of Showers came as
a blessing in disguise to these
persons-they left their respective
places on Showers' approach
and moved, into, the northern
Rajasthan where they met a rebel
force, the Jodhpur Legion from
Rajasthan and formed a junction
with it. Then they marched to
Rewari and reoccupied it. But
strategically speaking, Rewari
was not a good place to camp,
so they abandoned it in the
first week of November and occupied
Narnaul.2
The British authorities at Delhi
were alarmed by these developments.
They sent a strong column comprising
about 1,500 strong under Colonel
Gerrard, an officer of conspicuous
merit on November 10, 1857.
The column reached Rewari three
days later. They occupied the
abandoned fort of Rampura. Here
they were joined by two squadrons
of the Carabineers.3
After a few days rest at Rewari
(Rampura), Col. Gerrard proceeded
to Narnaul via Kanaud and reached
there in the evening. In the
night he was joined by the Haryana
Field Force. On November 16,
Gerrard marched to Narnaul.
As the track was sandy, the
column reached Nasibpur, a small
village, two miles northwest
of Narnaul and halted for a
short rest. The rebel force,
having abandoned their strong
fort in the centre of the town
pounced on them. Rao Tula Ram's
first charge was irresistible
and the British forces scattered
before them. The Pitiala Infantry
and the Multani Horse on the
British left were completely
disheartened. The whole of the
right Bank tied. But at this
juncture, the Guides and the
Carabineers came to their rescue
and saved the situations.4
The English fire, especially
of the artillery was too much
for the revolters. The Guides
and the Carabineers, under the
cover of the artillery fire,
made a heavy attack. Next, the
Ist Bengal Fusillers swooping
upon the weak revolters Artillery,
captured some of their guns.
This encouraged the British
cavalry on the right and they
pressed through the Indian ranks
and successfully overpowered
them on right and in the centre.5 |
| 1. |
K.C.
Yadav, The Revolt of 1857
in Haryana, 1977, p. 115. |
| 2. |
ibid.,
p. 116. |
| 3. |
Ibid..
p. 117. |
| 4. |
Ibid.,
pp. 117-118. |
| 5. |
Ibid., p. 118 |
|
|
But soon
the situation took an Unexpected
turn when Col. Gerrand, the
British Commandant, was mortally
wounded by a musket ball, with
the result that the British
too were demoralised. Taking
full a advantage of the circumstances,
Rao Tula Ram swooped down upon
them. The British could not
stand the charge and the Multani
Horse fled away in bewilderment.
They recaptured their guns and
inflicted heavy losses on the
enemy. The right and the left
wings of the British forces
were thrown into confusion.1
Appreciating the gravity of
the situation Major Caulfield,
the officiating British Commandant,
ordered his artillery to start
heavy bombardment and his cavalry
and infantrymen to charge straight
on with full force in to their
front ranks. Rao Tula Rams forces
fought back furiously and stood
their grounds. The British artillery
fire, nevertheless, broke their
backbone and split their forces
into two parts-one engaged in
the close quarter battle and
the other fleeing to go out
of the range of the British
guns. Meanwhile Kishan Singh
and Ram Lal, the two best commanders,
received musket shots and died.
This disheartened Rao Tula Ram's
forces and they retreated.2
The British resumed advance
until they came to a dry bed
of a stream flowing between
Nasibpur and Narnaul. The British
guns were unable to cross the
stream owing to sand, so they
diverged to the right and took
up a position near the Horse
Artillery guns, whilst the 23rd
Panjab Infantry and Patiala
Infantry with other units of
the cavalry crossed the stream
and advanced towards the camp.8
The heavy artillery and infantry
fire confused Rao Tula Ram;
and they ran pell-mell in all
directions. Mostly, they retreated
to the town and hide in the
buildings. The pursuit of the
fleeing soldiers was quick and
inexorable, and they were very
soon driven out of the town
after a little fighting Rao
Tula Ram lost the day and, when
the sun went down, there remained
none in Narnaul except heaps
of corpses here and there. Though
Tula Ram and Abdus Samad Khan
escaped, Rao Kishan Singh, Ram
Lal, Samad Khan's son and many
other top-ranking officers were
killed in action. The British
captured nine guns and other
arms. The total loss on the
British side was 70 killed and
45 wounded. They lost their
commander, Col. Gerrard and
Capt. Wallace, while Lieutenants
Graije, Kennedy and Pearse were
severely wound.4
The battle of Narnaul was undoubtedly
one of the most decisive battles
of the Uprising of 1857. The
English felt jubilant over their
success in this confrontation,
for it resulted in the complete
rout of all the revolters, and
thus marked the Close of the
crucial period of the struggle
in the Haryana region and northern
Rajasthan. |
| 1. |
K.C. Yadav, The Reolt of
1857 in Haryana, 1977, P.
118-19. |
| 2. |
ibid.,
p.119. |
| 3. |
ibid.,
p.119. |
| 4. |
ibid.,
p.119. |
|
After
the battle, Tula Ram moved into
Rajasthan; then joined Tantya
Tope's forces for one year.
After the British proclamation
of promising unconditional pardon,
amnesty and oblivion to all
offences against the British
to all except those who directly
or indirectly took part in the
murder of British subjects (issued
on November 1,1858). He sent
a petition to the Governor-General,
Lord Canning, on December 24,
1858. He stated that he considered
himself "an offender, but
as he looked upto the government
as his protector, he begged
to solicit that an inquiry might
be directed to be instituted
and that he As well as his followers
pardoned." He was refused
pardon I for he was chief instigator
and prime mover of revolt. ,
He therefore, left India in
1862. He went to Iran; then
to Afghanistan in the winter
of 1862, where he died of dysentery
at Kabul on 23 September 1863
at a young age of 38.1
His cousin Gopal Dev also fled
from Narnaul and took asylum
with one of his relatives at
Udairamsar, a village in Bikaner
State. He stayed there in perfect
secrecy for four years. Offers
of surrender were made to him
through his friends by the Deputy
Commissioner of Gurgaon but
he shunned all enquiries. In
consequence, his jagir of 41
villages was confiscated. He
died in 1862.2
With the end of the revolt,
the vengeance of the British
started. Hundreds of people
were banged or shot dead and
their villages burnt. Rao Tula
Ram and Gopal Dev, as noted
above, were dispossessed of
their jagirs. The Nawab of Jhajar
was hanged and the part of his
State which now constituted
the Mahendragarh district was
given to the two loyal chiefs
of Patiala and Nabha: the former
getting Narnaul and Kanaud Nizamat
and the latter Bawal Nizamat.3
For quite some time after the
Uprising, the people of Mahendragarh
suffered a great deal: obviously
the spirit of vengeance on the
part of the victors was Working
there. They were denied almost
all the benefits of the Raj
as a consequence of which they
became backward in all respects.
This condition was not to remain
for long, however. In the last
decade of the preceding century,
as elsewhere, the winds of change
began to blow here also. With
the spread of western education,
urbanization and techno-economic
changes, the people, especially
the town-dwelling middle classes
were influenced. The attempts
of Arya Samaj were most significant
in this Direction; the main
credit for which goes to Rao
Yudhistra Singh, a scion of
the erstwhile ruling house of
Rewari who invited Swami Dayananda,
the founder of the Arya Samaj
to Rewari in 1880. Through his
efforts, a Samaj was established
here.1 |
| 1. |
K.C.
Yadav, Rao Tula Ram, , A
Hero of 1857 |
| 2. |
Ibid,
p.147. |
| 3. |
K.C.
Yadav, The Revolt of 1857
in Haryana 1977, p. 122. |
|
|
The followers
of Arya Samaj brought political
awakening to the people in the
district, especially in the
Rewari region. As a result,
they started taking interest
in public life. Some people
also joined the Indian National
Congress. It may, however, be
pointed out here that the Congress
activities here were restricted
to a limited number of people
belonging to the urban middle
classes only. To the villages
the 'new wind' was yet to go.2
In 1914 came the First World
War, which was by all means
a big event. The people of Mahendragarh,
as those of other districts
in Haryana, came, to the help
of the government in its war
efforts by men, money and material.
Young men from villages enlisted
themselves in the army. The
rich contributed liberally to
the War Fund and the War Loan.
Bihari Lal of Rewari and Jagan
Nath of Gurawada who contributed
Rs. 65,000 and Rs. 55,O00 respectively
and topped the list.3 The states'
people also made substantial
contribution through their Rajas.
After the war, a few rich town-dwellers
and big zamindars from the villages
received jagirs and other benefits
for their war services. The
village youth, hundreds of whom
had offered their blood during
the war were discharged from
army after the conclusion of
the war. The working classes
and poor people residing in
the towns and villages- suffered
on account of economic depression
and sufferings that came after
the war. In consequence there
was discontent and disaffection
all around. Mahatma Gandhi found
great opportunity in this, and
launched an All-India agitation
when the Government wanted to
pass the Rowlatt Bills in 1919.
The discontented and disaffected
masses of the Rewari area took
part in the Rowlatt agitation.
Protest meetings were held at
Rewari and other big villages
in which strongly worded resolutions
were passed against the bills.
The government took no note
of the protests and passed in
March, 1919, one of the bills
called the Criminal Law Emergency
Powers Act. ' The Congressmen
of Rewari area were furious
when they heard about it. They
observed hartal at Rewari and
other places, took out processions
and held meetings opposing the
Act. After the arrest of Mahatma
Gandhi at Palwal (April 10),
and then Jalianwala Bagh tragedy
(April 13), the movement reached
a high pitch.4 |
| 1. |
K.C.
Yadav, Haryana Ka Itihas
1981. Vol. 111, pp. 121-23. |
| 2. |
The
people in the Princely States
were even worse than their
village counterparts elsewhere.
I |
| 3. |
M.S.
Leigh, The Punjab and the
War, p. 123. |
| 4. |
Meetings
were held in the towns and
people were exhorted to
join the movement. The response
was good. The Tribune, June
12, 1921. |
|
After
August 1, 1920, when Mahatma
Gandhi launched the Non-Cooperation
Movement, the struggle became
still more intense. Several
persons offered themselves for
satyagraha. Many students left
schools and some lawyers boycotted
courts. The Swadeshi Movement
also gained momentum.
On the whole, the movement progressed
well. In February, 192), when
Mahatma Gandhi withdrew the
movement after violence at Chauri-Chaura
(Bihar), it came to a grinding
halt here also.
As elsewhere, the withdrawal
of the Non-Cooperation Movement
gave a sort of setback to the
national movement in the district.,
The Congressmen were divided
into two camps : (i) Swarajists
who wanted to give up non-cooperation
(also called prochangers) and
(ii) Non-cooperationists (non-changers).
In the Rewari area the former
were in great majority. They
left, non-cooperation and took:
part in elections of 1923, 1925,
1926 and 1930. The Hindu Maha
Sabha was a big force and surpassed
the Unionists and the Swarajists.1
In 1930, the Civil Disobedience
Movement was launched by Mahatma
Gandhi. The movement bestirred
the nation and the Rewari area
was no exception. Satyagraha
sabbas were formed and volunteers
were recruited and they went
to jail after breaking salt
laws. The movement was launched
on April 22, 1930 when the Rewari
Congress Committee organised
a large meeting and made salt
openly. Ln second week of May,
1930 the 'Mutiny' (1857) Week'
was also celebrated here. The
Government arrested prominent
leaders to crush the movement.
There were indiscriminate lathi
charges at a number of places,
especially on picketers of liquor
shops, etc. The Congress Organisation
was declared unlawful. Despite
all this, however, the struggle
went on unabated (except for
a brief bait in 1933) till 1933,
when Mahatma Gandhi withdrew
it and turned it into an individual
satyagraha.
The withdrawal of the Civil
Disobedience movement gave a
set-back to the nationalist
effort, The Hindu Maha Sabha
became popular and it won the
Rewari seat to the Punjab Assembly
in the General Elections of
19372.
These were bad days for the
Congress, as also for the national
movement Subhas Chandra Bose,
the then President of the Congress
visited Haryana and tried to
put life into the Organisation.
This certainly gave morale boost-up
to the local Congressmen and
they-became a little active.
After some time there came the
World War-11. As elsewhere,
the Congressmen in the area
opposed the war efforts of the
government. The movement started
at a low key, but by 1942 everything
warmed up, when the British
were asked to quit India at
once. The Government action
was equally strong. As elsewhere,
the Congress Organisation was
declared unlawful here; and
its leaders were arrested Yet
the people came out to fight.
Several of them offered satyagraha.
There were some violent activity
also. As a result of the arrest
of leaders and heavy repressive
measures adopted by the government,
the movement failed. |
| 1. |
K.C.
Yadav, Elections in Punjab,
1920-47, 1981. 2. Ibid.,
pp. 74-97. |
|
|
As at home,
the people of the district made
sacrifices to the cause of national
freedom outside India also.
A large number of soldiers from
here joined the Indian National
Army (INA) and fought against,
the British forces under the
leadership of Subhas Chandra
Bose. Though the INA lost the
war, its soldiers when they
came to the villages after their
release, gave great boost to
the Congress activities and
the national movement. As a
result the social base of the
freedom struggle enhanced a
great deal.
What the Congress did in the
Rewari area, the Praja Mandal
did in the region under the
princely states. The people
of the Mahendragarh Nizamat
were also subjected to great
economic exploitation by their
ruler. To improve their lot
some enlightened people formed
a Praja Mandal in the Nizamat
in 1938.1 Soon its branches
were opened in towns and villages.
Narnaul was the most active
branch of the Praja Mandal.
The Patiala ruler did not like
the behaviour of his subjects
indulging in such anti-state
activities. He warned the people
Praja Mandal did not listen
to him and launched a movement.
Public meetings were organised
to voice grievances. During
the Quit India Movement (1942)
the Praja Mandal also gained
momentum. The Maharaja warned
the people to leave the path
of agitation but they kept up
their struggle2. Meantime, some
revolutionaries also came in
the field and joined the movement.
The revolutionaries were, however,
arrested before they could execute
their plans because an accidental
explosion exposed them to the
authorities. As a result of
frantic efforts on the part
of the police, about 18 persons
were arrested. The masses got
agitated over the arrest of
these persons. There was a lot
of reaction in the town of Narnaul.
People observed hartal and demanded
release of the arrested persons.
The leaders of the Praja Mandal
capitalized on this situation
and started their agitation
with greater gusto. As a result,
hundreds of people came up to
offer arrests. The situation
became grim. Ultimately, the
ruler yielded before popular
pressure: all the arrested persons
were released and most of their
demands were accepted. |
| 1. |
K.C.
Yadav, Haryana Mein Swatantrata
Andolon Ka itihas, (Hindi)
1975, pp. 173-74. |
| 2. |
Ibid.,
pp. 175-76. |
|
In
Bawal area which was a part
of Nabha State, the condition
of the people was bad: the authorities
used to take 'begar' and levied
exhorbitant taxes on the people.
Educational, medical and other
facilities were denied to them.
In the 1940's, when there was
awakening in other states, the
people of Bawal also organised
themselves to get over their
difficulties. The Praja Mandal
was formed. The ruler tried
to suppress the movement but
he did not achieve any success.
By 1946, the Praja Mandal gained
great momentum in the region.
On March 25, the state authorities
arrested all the prominent Praja
Mandal activists and promulgated
Section 144 in the entire region.
This, however, did not dishearten
the people who offered satyagraha
in large numbers. Ultimately,
the ruler had to yield. He released
all the prisoners and conceded
many of the Praja Mandalists'
demands.
After India achieved Independence,
the Mahendragarh district along-
with the other districts of
the Patiala State formed part
of the Patiala and East Punjab
State Union (Pepsu) in 1948,
which merged with Punjab in
1956. Haryana was carved out
of Punjab in 1966 and Mahendragarh
became the district of the new
state. |
|
|